jamsuhoi/‘haenyo’ collective and practices

By Kelsey Miller

Ancestral Connections & Geographic Extent Temporal Extent Biophysical Manipulations Target Species Ceremony & Stewardship Current Status

The Haenyeo developed as a culturally specific group of female divers within what is now the South Korean province of Jeju (Cho 1979, Hwang 2010, An 2006, Han 2013, Byun et al. 2015, Hilty 2015, Lee and Myong 2018, Hatfield and Hong 2019). Jeju Province was initially its own sovereign kingdom named Tamna, until it was annexed to the mainland of Korea in 1105 (Ha and Mintz 1972, Hwang 2010, Chang 2013). However, the year of annexation is one example of the many inconsistencies that pervade the literature relating to Haenyeo culture and methodologies, which has created some uncertainty in synthesizing sources for the review presented here. As a specific example of inconsistency, 1404 is given as the year Jeju was subsumed by Korea in Dr. Anne Hilty’s 2015 book that was published and reviewed by the Jeju Sea Grant Center of Jeju University. A broadly applicable example of inconsistency in the literature is that only a few sources acknowledge the Haenyeo as Indigenous peoples living in reciprocity with their environments beyond recorded time. (Preston 2017, Hatfield and Hong 2019). Yet, most references to the diving women of Jeju at least acknowledge the Haenyeo as a unique subculture within South Korea (Ko 2005, Min 2011, WCC-2012-Res-082, Preston 2017, Hatfield and Hong 2019). The review presented here synthesizes available information on the Haenyeo marine stewardship practices while accounting for discrepancies across sources whenever possible.

The terms “Jamnyeo” or “Jamsu'' meaning “dive woman” and “diving” respectively, were used within Jeju until Japanese colonization when the term “Haenyeo” (closely related to the Japanese character for “sea,” which translates to mean ‘sea women’ in English) was enforced (Hong 1965, Hilty 2015, Lee and Lee 2014). The term “Haenyeo” gained prevalence when many of the divers worked abroad in Japan and Russia during various periods of colonization, and has since been in use within the Jeju government for consistency and international recognition (Hilty 2015). The vast majority of available literature pertaining to the Haenyeo refers to them as such, and this synthesis will continue to use the term “Haenyeo'' for consistency within that literary body while acknowledging the problematic origins and continued use of the term.

Until the mid-17th century it is likely that both men and women worked as divers and were commonly referred to as “Haein,” meaning ‘person of the sea’ (Byun et al. 2015). However, Japanese colonists placed heavy taxation on male income, which may have contributed to the transition of diving to be an entirely female occupation (Lee and Lee 2014, Lee and Myong 2018, Hatfield and Hong 2019). By the 19th century 22% of the Jeju female population were active in the Haenyeo practice, which had become the major economic driving force for Jeju Province (Lee and Lee 2014).

The Haenyeo practice is unique to the Jeju Province in South Korea (Byun et al. 2015, Hilty 2015, Lee and Myong 2018, Hatfield and Hong 2019). Jeju Province is an archipelago comprised of 82 uninhabited islands and eight inhabited islands, including Jeju and Udo islands where the largest communities of active Haenyeo remain today (Byun et al. 2015, Lee and Myong 2018, Hatfield and Hong 2019).

Over time, as the wage economy began to dominate the Korean landscape, many Haenyeo participated in overseas fisheries by plying their unique trade and physiological adaptation to cold across mainland Korea, China, Russia and Japan (Hilty 2015). Haenyeo began migrating to earn wages with their diving work in the 1880’s under Japanese rule, and at its peak 50% of all divers participated in this migrant work (Hilty 2015).  In 1920, Japanese colonists established the Jejudo Haenyeo Fisheries Cooperative to enforce their own regulations and policies, including management of all migrant Haenyeo (Hilty 2015, Lee and Myong 2018). In the early 1930’s Haenyeo divers organized a vast resistance movement in protest against the unfair labour practices enforced by the Japanese-led fishing cooperatives (Hilty 2015, Lee and Myong 2018). Between 1931-1932 the Haenyeo organized over 230 resistance meetings and 4,000 demonstrations involving 17,000 people (Hilty 2015, Lee and Myong 2018). Many of the Haenyeo resistance leaders attended the Hado Night School for divers, which was operated by a socialist activist organization (Hilty 2015). This affiliation is why the Haenyeo resistance is considered the earliest organized action opposing Japanese colonization and became the driving force of the national independence movement (Hilty 2015, Lee and Myong 2018). After gaining independence from Japan, nearly all migrant work ceased by 1970 and today all active Haenyeo reside within Jeju province (Hilty 2015).

There are mixed accounts as to when this practice of caretaking ocean resources became female-dominated, but most records indicate that Haenyeo have been active in a reciprocal relationship with the sea for at least 1700 years (Preston 2017, Ko 2007). Historical records of male breath-hold divers date back to the year 503, although some sources identify slightly earlier records around 434 (Chwa et al. 2005, Hong 1965, Hilty 2015). It is likely that over the course of the Joseon era (approx. 14th-20th centuries) diving became an entirely female occupation and has remained so ever since (Ko 2005). Evidence of female Haenyeos begins in 17th century literature (Chwa et al. 2005, Preston 2017). The earliest available drawing of female Haenyeo practice is from 1702, which depicts Haenyeo working in the sea (Byun et al. 2015). However, based on the Confusian ideals that shaped the development of the area, it is not surprising that earlier evidence of female Haenyeos is obfuscated due to social depreciation of women in general, and especially working women.

Haenyeo organized into formal communal associations called “Jamsuhoi'' based on village locations (Hatfield and Hong 2019). Jamsuhoi organizations enable Haenyeo to collectively determine management practices for their village’s sea fields by gathering around the Bulteok, a stone building around and within which the Haenyeo practice developed and continues to organize (Byun et al. 2015, Hatfield and Hong 2019). Village sea-fields are designated areas of common-pool resources for which boundaries are enforced by social norms and stationed sentries (Hilty 2015, Hatfield and Hong 2019). Management portfolios include size-selection, seasonal closures, catch limits, sea-field rotation and recovery, as well as seabed tending through cleaning and removal of undesirable species/invasives and in some cases re-seeding beaches for shellfish propagation (Hatfield and Hong 2019). While all management decisions were based on consensus, the opinion of more senior and experienced divers bears greater weight than their junior or less skilled counterparts (Hatfield and Hong 2019).

Until the mid-1970’s Haenyeo wore cotton diving clothes that could be adjusted during pregnancy (Cho 1979, An 2006, Lee and Lee 2014). Studies of the physiological adaptations of Haenyeo determined an above average cold tolerance, which has since declined with the popularization of insulated wetsuits that increase total diving time (Hong 1965, Hong 1973, Choa et al. 2006, Lee and Lee 2014). However, the physiological adaptations that increase cold-tolerance in the Haenyeo are still present and evident in their hands and face (areas exposed while wearing wetsuits) (Lee and Lee 2014, Byun et al. 2015, Hilty 2015, Preston 2017). Prior to advent of wetsuits, divers harvested smaller quantities and spent more working hours within the Bulteok, which served a vital function in both the survival and cultural practice of the Haenyeo (Han 2013, Byun et al. 2015, Hatfield and Hong 2019) by providing a wind-blocked place to warm, work and share knowledge around a fire (Byun et al. 2015).

The Bulteok are unique stone structures that serve as the focal point around which Haenyeo management systems developed and continue to be maintained/transferred to  younger generations (Moon 2008, Moon 2005, Byun et al. 2015, Song 2020). The term is derived from the Jeju words ‘Bul’ meaning fire, and ‘teok’ meaning space (Moon 2008, Byun et al. 2015, Song 2020). A Bulteok is a simple structure used as a place of protection and to train, exchange knowledge, plan management strategies, repair equipment, enrich community life, warm, rest and change clothing (Byun et al. 2015). While the building form and structure have modernized, Bulteok were originally open-air, piled stone buildings that continue to serve as a symbol of the strength and perseverance of the Haenyeo practice & lifeways (Lee and Lee 2014, Byun et al. 2015, Song 2020). The name of each Bulteok is specific to the area and village to which it belongs (Byun et al. 2015). The Bulteok is the center of Haenyeo socio-cultural identity and serves a place-based function for developing and implementing stewardship practices within this management system (Byun et al. 2015, Song 2020). 

Haenyeo are best known for their abalone harvest, but also target octopus, seaweeds, urchins, sea cucumbers and turban snails (Hilty 2015, Preston 2018, Park 2019). As an example, nine common species targeted by Haenyeo: Hizikia fusiformis, Gelidium amansii, Eklonia cava, Undaria pinnatifida, Apostichopus japonicas, Anthocidaris crassispina, Turbo sazae, Haliotis discus hanai, and Haliotis diversicolor (Song 2020, Park 2019).

Haenyeo utilize breath-hold diving techniques to hand-harvest target species according to their harvesting schedule and rules. Highly motile macroinvertebrates, such as octopus, are speared individually by hand while more sedentary or imobile species are prized using a ‘bitchang’ tool. Seaweed is cut by a small sickle instrument (Hilty 2015). The Haeneyo collect their harvest in a netted ‘mangsari’ attached to a flotation device called the ‘tewak’ (Hilty 2015). While little information specifically regarding bycatch is available, the targeted methods employed within the Haenyeo practice make large quantities of bycatch unlikely.

The Haenyeo practice shamanism and conduct ceremonies to bring about good harvest and keep divers safe (Ko 2005, Preston 2017, Moon 2008, Min 2011). The Bulteok is a physical space for management by consensus and intergenerational TEK transmission, which acts as a focal point for all Haenyeo practice and protocols including safety and education systems, community support, feminine strength in resistance (Moon 2008, Min 2011, Lee and Myong 2018, Han and Kim 2003, An 2006, Yoo 2006). The Haeneyo also used songs to pass on information, stewardship practices and environmental knowledge (Min 2011, Moon 2005, Ha and Mintz 1972, Ko et al. 2014). Often these songs were sung while rowing out to a harvest location (Min 2011, Moon 2005).

Divers harvest in pairs either directly from shore or off a boat (Ko 2005, Preston 2017, Hilty 2015, An 2006).  For safety and training purposes, the more skilled divers accompany junior divers. Upon re-surfacing from each harvest dive, Haenyeo emit their warrior cry, the ‘sumbisori’ (Hilty 2015, Min 2011, Moon 2005). This powerful exhalation and sharp intake of breath results in an eerie high-pitched whistle that is described as hauntingly melodic (Hilty 2015, Moon 2005). The sumbisori embodies the fierce, feminine power of the Haenyeo.

Prior to colonization, each Jamsuhoi was responsible for managing their sea-fields and determining access rights and regulations (An 2007). However, over their history the Haenyeo have been subjected to a range of regimes limiting their traditional practice through various governmental regulations (Hilty 2015, An 2006, An 2007, Cheong 2005, Han and Kim 2003). Prior to the wage economy, Haenyeo practiced subsistence fishing with the aim of feeding their families and community (Hilty 2015, Hatfield and Hong 2019, An 2006). However, under Japanese occupation overfishing by foreign fleets forced many Haenyeo to practice their trade abroad in order to support their families, which began a shift from subsistence to commercial fishing practices (Hilty 2015, Jang 2011, Lee and Myong 2018).

 In 1962 the Fisheries Cooperative Act established formal village-based collectives called “eochongye” that encompasses and governs both fishing fleets and Haenyeo, thus subsuming the autonomous Haenyeo collectives (Jamsuhoi) into the legal jurisdiction of the eochongye (Hilty 2015, Song 2020). The eochongye determines requirements for licensing and distribution of revenue (i.e. only one diver per household), it is the regional governing body for production and sales while charging the divers handling and boat fees, and provides commissions (Hilty 2015, Preston 2017, An 2007). In 2006, Jeju was designated a Special Self-Governing Province – the only such designation in South Korea (Hilty 2015). There has been a great deal of public policy built around the Haenyeo, but seemingly without much opportunity for their participation in the policy-making process (Hilty, 2015, Preston, 2017, Moon 2008, Park 2019). As a result, most of the policies that regulate the Haenyeo practice are focused on limiting catch and inclusion, or using the idea of Haenyeo to attract tourism (i.e. UNESCO intangible heritage designation), but not supporting the sustainability and growth of the Haenyeo tradition (An 2007, Moon 2008, Preston 2017, Yoo 2006, You et al. 2018, Cheong 2005, Song 2020).

There were 20,000 practicing Haenyeo as of the 1960’s, but less than 5,000 licensed Haenyeo currently remain today – the vast majority of whom are over 70 years old (Song 2020, Hilty 2015, Preston 2017, Park 2019). Due to policy restrictions, social stigmas and capitalist values usurping traditional practice, there are not enough women pursuing the Haenyeo tradition to replace the aging population who may be the last generation of Haenyeo (Preston 2017, Moon 2008, Hatfield and Hong 2019, Hilty 2015, Song 2020).

Korean culture on the whole, and Jeju along with it was shaped by the Jeoson Dynasty that proliferated Confucian belief systems for nearly a millennium (Shuman 2015). Within Confucianism, women are an inferior class to that of men, and working women are viewed even more poorly (Shuman 2015, Hwang 2010). For this reason, Haenyeo women have suffered from social stigma that remains present to this day despite recent international attention and acclaim (An 2006, An 2007, Chang 2013, Preston 2017, Ko 2007, You et al. 2018). More recently, the commodification of Haenyeo culture as a tourist attraction has further complicated the societal and political landscape these seawomen traverse (Chang 2013, An 2006, Lee and Iwasa 2011, Park et al. 2013, Preston 2017).

Ecological degradation (i.e. over-fishing, warming oceans, pollution, etc.) leading to reduced biodiversity and overall ecosystem health and function has resulted in limited harvest and income for practicing Haenyeo (Preston 2017, Hilty 2015, Song 2020, Park 2019, Ko et al. 2010, Ko at al. 2014). Making a living as a Haenyeo has become increasingly difficult, even within the lifetime of those still practicing today (Preston 2017, Hilty 2015, Ko et al. 2014, Ko et al. 2010, Hatfield and Hong 2019, Park 2019). Despite recognition as a "unique marine ecology stewardship" by the IUCN’s World Conservation Consortium in 2021 [WCC-2012-Res-082], there is limited information available regarding the ecological impacts of Haenyeo practice & their potential roles as sentries of local climate change and anthropological impacts (Preston 2017, Hatfield and Hong 2019, Hilty 2015, Cheong 2005, An 2007, Ko et al. 2014, Song 2020). Additional research is needed to determine how the Haenyeo practice may or may not confer ecosystem resilience, as well as identifying tangible support for the continuation of the Haenyeo practice and tradition.

More Information:

 Haenyeo museum: http://www.jeju.go.kr/haenyeo/index.htm

UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage Designation: https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/culture-of-jeju-haenyeo-women-divers-01068

‘Haenyeo Stewards of the Sea’ – by Dr. Anne Hilty: https://eastwestpsyche.files.wordpress.com/2015/06/book-i-jeju-haenyeo-stewards-of-the-sea-2015.pdf

Jeju Provincial Self-governing Haenyeo Museum via Google Arts & Culture exhibit: https://artsandculture.google.com/partner/jeju-provincial-self-governing-heanyeo-museum?hl=en

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